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AKHENATEN

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Bianca
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« Reply #75 on: September 09, 2007, 09:30:36 am »








FROM

AKHENATEN AND THE RELIGION OF LIGHT



Erik Hornung

Translated by David Lorton



                                                        D A R K   Y E A R S



THE EVENTFUL YEAR 12



With the persecution of the old deities, the new religion reached its acme and, at the same time, went
too far.  Thus began a final phase, which Donald B. Redford has characterized as a "sunset".

The last two official monuments of the king stem from his twelfth year and both have to do with his foreign
policy.  One is a victory stela, several copies of which were probably set up in Nubia; some fragments of one such copy, later reused at the temple of Buhen, were partially published only in 1976, while another
was located at Amada. 

The topic of their inscription is a military expedition against the Nubian land of Ikaita, which Akhenaten entrusted to his viceroy Tuthmosis.  The text follows a long-standing mode, according to which the "re-
bellion" of this land is reported to the king, affording him the pretext for a military intervention.  This assu-
med a scale of a relatively modest punitive expedition, as shown by the list of spoils at the end of the in-
scription: 145 enemies were captured and eighty were killed, some of them in battle and some "on the stake", that is execution.

This is the only expedition attested to date for Akhenaten and he surely did not lead it himself; he thus
evaded the established model according to which every pharaoh lead an expedition, often only a symbolic
one, at the beginning of his reign, so as to fulfill his role as a victorious monarch.  In other ways, as well, he avoided warlike attributes, such as we still find in the reign of his father Amenophis III and the representation of the triumphal scene of "smiting the enemies" seems to have been absent from the pylon
towers of the temple at Amarna.

In the correspondece from the Amarna archive, his loyal vassals constantly implore him, in vain, to inter-
vene militarily in western Asia; this is the origin of the cliche` of the "pacifistic" king who remained inactive
abroad while wrapped up in his fantasy world at Akhetaten.  But toward the end of his reign, we encounter
lively foreign policy activity in connection with the visit of the prince Aziru of Amurru to Akhetaten.

The other monument of year 12 is the "tribute of the foreign lands", which is represented in the tombs of two officials of the new Residence.  Previously, the "tribute" (actually trade goods) of foreign peoples had
been depicted in the tombs of viziers; nominally the highest civil officials, they also had oversight of
foreign trade.  Nothing of the sort is found in the tombs of Akhenaten's viziers, Ramose and Aper-El.

This stress on foreign policy was probably important to the king, because of increasing difficulties on the domestic front, the intensification of his religious policy doubtless incurred reactions and, along with those, there were family problems as well.
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« Reply #76 on: September 09, 2007, 09:34:50 am »








KIYA, THE BELOVED



The royal family idyll we find so compelling in the "intimate" scenes from Amarna art has for some time had it Achilles' heel - ever since we learned of Kiya, the king's favourite.


                                 

She was mentioned briefly in the scholarly literature for the first time in 1959 and 1961 and, in the
meanwhile, we have learned more about her through the work of Yuri Y. Perepelkin Reiner Hanke, Wolf-
gang Helck and Rolf Krauss. 

Her name is a shortened form, behind which lies a different name, perhaps a foreign one.  Kiya might have come from the kingdom of Mitanni, for we know of an "administrator of the woman from Naharin"
from a funerary cone of the period, though the woman is not identified by name; Kiya is often called simply "the lady" (TA SHEPSET) which has led to the suggestion that there is a recollection of her in the anonymous "lady" of the "Tale of Two Brothers" from the Ramesside Period.

 
PART OF A KHOL TUBE BELONGING TO KIYA

Even if she was a Mitannian, she cannot have been identical to the princess Tadukhepa, whom Akhan-
aten inherited from the harem of his father, though she might have been a dsitinguised and beautiful
Asiatic in her retinue; from the text on the commemorative scarab that Amenophis III had issued on the occasion of his marriage to Gilukhepa, we learn this Mitannian princess was accompanied to Egypt
by 317 ladies in waiting.
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« Reply #77 on: September 09, 2007, 09:36:21 am »








In any event, Kiya is attested side by side with Nefertiti for several years, though the two women are
carefully distinguished by their official titles.

In the royal harem, there had always been only one "great royal wife" and, in the case of Akhenaten,
this was Nefertiti.

Kiya, on the other hand, bore the highly unusual official title "great beloved wife of the King", which elevated her above all the other women of the harem, but without assigning her any religious significance, such as Nefertitit had.

Kiya is also carefully distinguished from Nefertiti in the repressentations.  She never appears wearing a crown or the royal uraeus-serpent and her name is not enclosed in a cartouche.  Additionally, there is never more than one daughter behind her, in contrast to the usually larger number who appear behing
Akhenaten and Nefertiti.
                                         
Whether or not we must reckon with a "disappearance" of Nefertiti from the scene, and however that
would have to be explained, Kiya stood out for a time as the predominant wife at the royal court.  In
a representation preserved only in fragmentary form, she appears, along with her own daughter, be-
hind Akhenaten under the radiant Aten, while at the same time, Nefertiti's daughters Merytaten and
Anhesenpaaten are lying on the ground in proskynesis and are thus clearly relegated to second rank.

Akhenaten apparently had another, seventh daughter by Kiya and it can be imagined that the latter
established her own daughter as heir to the throne instead of Merytaten.  But it can only be left to
speculation whether we must reckon with a formal power struggle between Kiya and Merytaten (who,
in the end, bore the title of a queen) in the later years of Akhenaten.  It seems certain only that in many instances the name if Kiya replaced by that of (Princess, not Queen) Merytaten and that part of the burial equipment in the "ominous" tomb 55 was originally intended for Kiya.
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« Reply #78 on: September 09, 2007, 09:37:48 am »








THE DAKHAMANZU AFFAIR



On the other hand,it is unlikely that Kiya wrote the highly political letter to Suppiluliumas in which a widowed Egyptian queen requested a Hittite prince to be her consort. The Hittite sources speak of an actual queen regnant, a "female king of Egypt", which Kiya certainly was not.
                                 
This letter is preserved only in Hittite sources and identifies the Egyptian queen only by her title,
"Dakhamanzu", not by name.  She wrote to Suppiluliumas that her royal husband had died without leaving a son.  This excludes Merytaten, who did not outlive Smenkhare, leaving only Nefertiti, Akhen-
aten's widow, or Ankhesenamun, the widow of Tutankhamun, as the potential author of the letter.

The request for a Hittite prince initially succeeded, but the murder of Prince Zananza while he was en
route to Egypt prevented a diplomatic marriage and an alliance of the two great powers at this early date; this was not to be accomplished until nearly a century later under Ramesses II.

Now, however, the assassination of the prince triggered a retaliatory attack on the part of the Hittites,
its unforturnate result was an outbreak of pestilence, to which the great Hittite king Suppiluliumas
succumbed and it has been suspected that this plague was the cause of the early deaths of several other leading figures of the Amarna Period.
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« Reply #79 on: September 09, 2007, 09:39:34 am »








A "SUNSET" FILLED WITH MYSTERY



The later years of Akhenaten are filled with puzzles and problems and none of the proposed recon-
structions of this period is entirely workable.

The supposed disappearance of Nefertitti, which has now again been called into question; the position
of Kiya, Akhenaten's favourite; his "marriages" to his older daughters, which served to elevate their status; the problem of a coregency with a female partner or with his son-in-law Smnkhakare; the
alleged brief sole rule of Merytaten after the death of her father; and the authorship of the above-
mentioned letter to Suppiluliumas - new reconstructions keep surfacing for these eventful, but poorly documented, years.  The lack of sources has proven favourable to a luxuriant overgrowth of specula-
tions.

To note some highlights from these later years, we can draw on inscriptions on the vessels found in
great abundance at Tell el-Amarna.  They give the exact year and, more rarely, the month, when they
were created and filled with perishable products such as wine, oil and honey.

Their distribution over the individual regnal years if quite uneven and indicates what are clearly high
points: year 9-10 (new titulary of the god and further changes?), year 12 (tribute of the foreign lands)
and year 14 (arrangements for the succession?). The origin of these deliveries is noted, but not their
purposes, so that it remains unclear what occasioned them.

Consumption of large quantities of products usually points to divine festivals, but there can have been no question of these at Amarna.

Jan Assmann has pointed to the impoverishment of social and religious life which this discontinuance of festivals entailed.  Previously, festivals continually afforded fresh opportunities to approach the divine
and beseech care and salvation from all sorts of afflictions.

Public rewards - the awarding of gold to meritorious officials - could be no substitute for this and
Akhenaten's expectations in this regard would prove to be of no avail: the worship of the traditional
deities would flower again in his immediate vicinity and even satire of the king and his "holy family"
would flourish.
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« Reply #80 on: September 09, 2007, 09:41:03 am »








MOCKERY OF THE "HERETIC KING"?



The two dozen limestone figurines of monkeys found at Akhetaten might point in this direction.
Scenes of chariotry and kissing recall popular motifs in the representationso of the royal family; in the
Ramesside Period the satiric, theriomorphic distancing of Pharaoh would become quite familiar. 
Akhenaten's officials might thus have found an outlet, in these groups of monkeys, for expressing their inner distance from the "heretic King". 

The discovery of figurines of traditional deities in the houses at Amarna is significant.  They must stem from a time when these deities were officially persecuted, thus testifying to their continuing, albeit
secret, worship; at the same time, they touch on the area of magic, which was totally excluded from
official religion in the Amarna period.

                           

Predominant are figurines of the popular tutelary deities Bes and Taweret, while other deities are
attested less often or in only one instance; Sobek, Isis, Thoth, Ptah, Mut and even the hated Amun,
as well as Osiris.  Along with the amulets (including the especially popular UDJAT -eye), representations of Bes, Taweret and Amun were also present in the houses; by way of texts, "laments" are attested, in particualr a graffito left behind in a relatively obscure spot in Theban Tomb 139 by Pawah, the "scribe of the divine offerings of Amun" in the mortuary temple of Smenkhakare.  In it, he praises his god Amun in terms that in part are reminiscent of the poems of the "Dialogue of a Man Weary of Life with His Soul" and their praise of death - the works of the "critical literature" of the Middle Kingdom were now being circulated anew and are mostly attested to us in copies of the late New Kingdom, such as our only copy of the "Admonitions of Ipuwer" with its impressive depiction of widespread change and even revolution.
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« Reply #81 on: September 09, 2007, 09:42:30 am »








After this period of suppression, laments were now transformed into praises of the god who had triumphantly survived all his persecution:



"You give satisfaction without eating, you give drunkenness without drinking....
oh Amun, champion of the poor!
You are father to the motherless,
husband to the widow.
How lovely it is to speak your name,
it is like the taste of life,
it is like the taste of bread for a child,
like a garment for the naked,
like the scent of a flowering twig at
the time of summer's heat.

Turn to us, oh lord of eternity!
You were here when nothing had yet come into being,
and you will be here when it is at an end.
You make me see the darkness that you give -
give me light, that I may see you!"
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« Reply #82 on: September 09, 2007, 09:43:52 am »








From the fact that Smenkhkare had a mortuary temple with an Amun cult at Thebes, and that Amun was once again mentioned next to the Aten in two late tomb chapels at Tell el-Amarna, it has been concluded that Akhenaten relented and partially mitigated his reform, while he was still alive.  Since
his coregency with Smenkhkare is once again the subject of debate, this supposition now rests on a shaky foundation.  It is possible that Aten's renewed coexistence with the traditional deities began only after the death of Akhenaten and ended some years later, when Tutankhaten changed his name.

In any case, there is no indication of a fall from power or a violent end to the "Heretic King", so his
accomplishments did not come to a halt immediately upon his death. 

During a transition period that lasted for some years, there was a cautious attempt to carry on his work; it was only then that the pressure of opposing forces proved too strong, leading to the abandoning of the Aten and his sacred precinct of Akhetaten.  But what was given up immediately
was the sole worship of the Aten (along with the ban on the remainder of the pantheon) and the
denial of an afterlife in the netherworld.

Everything else could wait, and what was decisive was probably a feeling of relief from a heavy
burden, a breath of fresh air, after the death of the "Heretic King".



                 

                 AMUN - XVIII DYNASTY
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« Reply #83 on: September 09, 2007, 09:45:07 am »








FROM


AKHENATEN AND THE RELIGION OF LIGHT

Erik Hornung
Translated by David Lorton



                                                 T H E   S U C C E S S O R S



MANY WOMEN, BUT NO HEIR


The "long lifetime" that Akhenaten reguarly bore as an epithet was not granted him:

the king died in the prime of life probably in July 1336 BCE.  Above all, he died withoutleaving behind a son who xould fill his political and religious role.

Nefertiti and Kiya had borne him only daughters; of his siblings, only a sister, Baketamun (later
Baketaten) had lived to see his coronation; and Nefertiti seems also to have had only one sister.
There was thus a large selection of royal women, but no unequivocal male heir to the throne.

The succession problem was especially tricky on this occasion, because not just a new pharaoh was
needed, but rather a prophet to preserve and to promulgate the pure teaching of the god of light.

It is difficult to imagine how the "crown princess" Merytaten, for instance, could have played such
a role, one that even the king's two young relatives, Smenkhkare and Tutankhaten (still a child), were
obliged to grow into.  The "king makers" elevated each of these two young men in turn to the throne,
demonstrating in the process that they were seeking no radical break with the ruling dynasty.

In the case of Smenkhkare, it remains unclear wheter he had already been appointed coregent by
Akhenaten or whether his rule of about three years began only after the death of the "heretic king".
A few monuments heretofore cited in favor of a coregency can be interpreted otherwise.  On the
stela Berlin 1783, for instance, two kings appear together in full regalia, but they have only three
courtouches, as the royal couple Akhenaten and Nefertiti do, so that the "coregent" (wearing the
Double Crown!) might rather be the "great royal wife"; on another stela in Berlin (20716) she wears
the Brue crown and is handing Akhenaten a cup of wine. 

Thus, there is only a single official representation depicting Smenkhakare, with Merytaten as his
wife, rewarding Meryre in his tomb.  It is possible that the official inserted them immediately after
Akhenaten's death, when the abandonment of Akhetaten and its tombs had not yet been decided
on, so that even this representation does not afford proof of a coregency.

A very fragmentary stela in University College, London, does indeed display four cartouches, thus
indicating a coregencey, but even here the identity of Akhenaten's partner is debatable.  The
epithet "beloved of Neferkheprure" or "beloved of Waenre" (both names refer to Akhenaten) is no more than circumstantial evidence that one might choose to connect with a still living "heretic king" and
thus with a coregency, as opposed to a posthumous worship of Akhenaten.
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« Reply #84 on: September 09, 2007, 09:46:23 am »








We are not on firm ground until the reign of Tutankhaten, though his origin remains uncertain.

His designation "beloved king's son" on a block from Hermopolis has often been taken as a justification for viewing him as the son of Amenophis III or Akhenaten, but this Egyptian princely title is too vague to allow any conclusions.  Several years ago, near the Red Monastery at Sohag, the tomb of a "god's father", Sennedjem, to whom the upbringing of the young Tutankhaten was evidently entrusted, was discovered; are we to conclude from this that the prince spent his early childhood in the region of Akhmim,the home of that prominent family from which Teye, Yuya and Aya stemmed?

On the back of his throne, the new royal couple is represented beneath the radiant Aten, thus continuing
the idea of a divine triad which had been realized by Akhenaten, Nefertiti and the Aten.  But this attempt to maintain basic elements of Akhenaten's religion lasted only a short time, for a direct continuation of his reform proved impossible.  A first sign of this was the abandonment of the icon of the sun disk with its rays.
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« Reply #85 on: September 09, 2007, 09:50:08 am »








RETURN TO AMUN AND PTAH                                                                       continued



Following this, cultic reality and the mythology of the course of the sun once again make their appearance:



                       



"August god in his chapel,
Lord of time in his barque!
Those in the horizon row you....
Tha bas of the west rejoice at you......."

The conclusion is rich in mythological allusions, all in the style of traditional hymns: "Perfect youth whom Ptah created, ......who emerged as Horus.....ruler of time and sovereign of the gods of eternity, .....your mother Nut lifts you up".

There is appended a praise of Thoth, the god of wisdom and the moon, with whom Haremhab directly compares himself - like the moon by the sun, he stands at the side of his king, Tutankhamun.  There is also praise for the goddess Maat, who grants him the breath of life.  The conclusion contains the traditional mortuary wish to enter and leave the "Field of Reeds" - the Egyptian paradise in the here-after - and to be in the following of Sokar, the Memphite god of the dead.

The hereafter, banned under Akhenaten, has thus made a complete comeback!

At about the same time, the high priest Parennefer presided over the renewal of the cult of Amun at Karnak; a procession bearing the vase sacred to the god, whose origin lay in the traditional cult, played an important role in this.

His tomb at Thebes was discovered not many years ago by Friederike Kampp and Karl-Joachim Seyfried; its model is clearly the royal tomb at Amarna and the tombs of the officials there.  There is no longer a radiant Aten, but the scene of sun worship, with its rejoicing on the part of all creation, is drawn from the imagistic realm of Akhenaten's tomb.  Its indulgence in the representation of chariots is also derived from Amarna.

The spirit of the times is manifest in the solution found for the decoration of Tutankhamun's tomb upon his premature death.  It in no way represents a return to tradition, to the time before Akhenaten; rather, referential derivations from tradition were combined with radical innovations worthy of the Amarna Period and in part taken from the decoration of private tombs. 

This is also true of the tomb of his successor Aya, which was decorated only four years later.
 
On the walls of both tombs are excerpts from the "Amduat", an old Book of the Netherworld, as well as extracts from the Book of the Dead in the tomb of Aya.  Along with the Amduat and the Book of the Dead, the gilded shrines of Tutankhamun offer new compositions, among them the "Book of the Heavenly Cow".
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« Reply #86 on: September 09, 2007, 09:52:01 am »








THE END OF THE DYNASTY:   AYA AND HAREMHAB



In the inscription on the stela of his rock-cut tomb in the vicinity of Akhmim, Aya settles the score with
"evil" and the "destruction of Right" and he provides that each person can again make offerings to "his own god," and that "all the deities" will be satisfied that their sancturaries have been restored.

The emphasis is thus quite similar to that of Tutankhamun, and his successor Haremhab also makes an
emphatic reference to destruction - he provided for the divine temples, which had become "ruin heaps"
and he restored the world to its ideal condition:

"He organized this land and gave it instructions that corresponded to (those of) the time of Re.  He renewed the temples of the gods from the delta marshes to Nubia.  He fashioned all their images, distinct from what had been earlier, with greater perfection....

He didstinguished their temples he created their statues in their correct form from all sorts of precious stones.  He searched out all the holy, divine precincts that were ruin heaps in this land and he founded
them anew, as they had been at the beginning of primeval time.  He dedicated divine offerings to them as regular daily offerings, along with all sorts of vessels for their temples, cast in gold and silver.  He
equipped them with WAB-priests and lector priests from the elite of the army.  He assigned them fields and cattle".

Haremhab was closely connected by marriage (to a sister of Nefertiti?) to the royal house of Dynasty 18, but he intentionally made himself out to be the first legitimate ruler since Amenophis III, who served as his principal model.


 
During his reign, lively building activity commenced anew in the temple of Amun at Karnak and a a great number of TALATAT-blocks from Akhenaten's constructions were reused in his own buildings.  Egypt also launched a new and active foreign policy that led to the regaining of lost territories in Syria.

                           


The Ramesside Period that followed was taking shape.
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« Reply #87 on: September 09, 2007, 09:53:49 am »

FROM

AKHENATEN AND THE RELIGION OF LIGHT

by Erik Hornung - 1995

Translated by David Lorton



                                                            E P I L O G U E



FAILURE AND CONTINUITY



What was left?  Akhenaten had founded no congregation; he had no disciples or apostles to carry on his work after his death.

There was only his small circle of followers, who were now bereft of a reference point.  Akhenaten had concentrated his teaching so exclusively upon himself as the only one who knew the Aten, that it was doomed to perish along with him - in any case, in the extreme form in which he had promulgated it.

And yet, he had set in motion changes that would endure after his passing and exercise influence in
several areas.


                 


After a brief setback, Late Egyptian survived as the new written language, in which a rich literature soon
unfolded, reaching previously unknown heights with its harpers' songs and love lyrics.

In art, the zest for motion and the depiction of emotion initiated by Akhenaten remained in force for de-
cades and the visual joy of Amarna art rippled in ever-widening circles through the centuries that followed.
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« Reply #88 on: September 09, 2007, 09:55:30 am »








FAILURE AND CONTINUITY                                                                                       continued



In the area of religion, Amun did not entirely recover his paramount status and his city of Thebes would never again be the capital.

But monotheism had to wait half a millennium and longer to receive a fresh chance in Judaism. 

In this connection, there has been debate as to whether Akhenaten's monotheistic ideas had an influence on Palestine, as was assumed by Sigmund Freud in particular.

The temporal interval is too great to infer a direct influence from the Amarna Period on the monotheism of the
Hebrew Bible.

But undercurrents that remain hidden to us might certainly have exercised an influence; perhaps the author of
Psalm 104 indeed drew upon the Great Hymn to the Aten.
                                                                                                                                 
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« Reply #89 on: September 09, 2007, 09:57:47 am »








E P I L O G U E




                                                                                                                                                             



MORE THAN AN EPISODE



Akhenaten and the religion he founded were not just transitory phenomena, as they are so often made out to be.

The challenge he posed compelled succeeding generations to rethink questions that had seemed resolved, just as
art received new impulses from this debate.

As Jan Assmann has put it  "The effects of Amarna religion was to clarify, not to reform.  The traditional religion be-
came only ever more self-conscious as a result of this confrontation with its antithesis".

This is especially evident in the case of beliefs about the afterlife.  The denial of a hereafter and the realm of
Osiris compelled a rethinking of the meaning of the dark half of the cosmos.

Light remained dependent on darkness and the positive value of the latter was never felt as clearly as it was after
Akhenaten.

There can be no greater contrast to his religion of light than this statement in a solar hymn of Tjanefer, a high
priest of Amun, in early Dynasty 20, regarding the sun god when he descends to the realm of the dead:


"WHEN YOU COME TO THEM ....YOU ARE SMOKY AND DARK, FOR YOUR ABOMINATION IS LIGHT"!
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