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1  Media & Film / the History of Film / James Dean Molested By Minister, Elizabeth Taylor Revealed on: March 25, 2011, 01:15:28 pm
James Dean Molested By Minister, Elizabeth Taylor Revealed

First Posted: 03/25/11 01:49 PM Updated: 03/25/11 01:49 PM

James Dean's short life is now known perhaps more in legend and lore than solid fact, but even he had a secret no one knew. Except for Elizabeth Taylor.

Kevin Sessums, writing for The Daily Beast, reveals that in a wide ranging interview with the just passed Taylor, the famed actress let him in on a secret about Dean that she had promised she'd keep forever. Sworn to secrecy until Taylor's death, Sessums revealed the hidden past of the Rebel Without a Cause.

"When Jimmy was 11 and his mother passed away, he began to be molested by his minister," Taylor said. "I think that haunted him the rest of his life. In fact, I know it did. We talked about it a lot. During 'Giant' we'd stay up nights and talk and talk, and that was one of the things he confessed to me."

Taylor and Dean co-starred in Giant, a 1956 film for which Dean was posthumously nominated for an Academy Award.

After Dean's mother died in 1940, he was sent back from California, where his family had relocated, to Indiana to live with his grandparents. He was sent back on the same train as his mother's body. Known for his young rebel roles, Dean was cast as -- and was in real life -- a confused, somewhat angry and abandoned young man.

Dean was known to have a chip on his shoulder against fathers, thanks in part to never reconciling with his own -- whether the minister story, if true, has anything to do with that, is perhaps unknowable.

While he never married, he had a short-lived public relationship with Italian actress Pier Angeli. Best friend, roommate and biographer William Bast claims to have had a sexually intimate relationship with Dean, as well.

For much more from Sessums' interview with Taylor, click over to The Daily Beast.
2  Media & Film / the History of Film / Re: 'The Dark, Dark Hours': Rare 1954 Video Of Ronald Reagan And James Dean REVEALED on: March 25, 2011, 01:12:59 pm
wow, not only was Reagan one of our worst presidents­, but just seeing his face makes me want to hurl.
3  Media & Film / the History of Film / 'The Dark, Dark Hours': Rare 1954 Video Of Ronald Reagan And James Dean REVEALED on: March 25, 2011, 01:12:29 pm
'The Dark, Dark Hours': Rare 1954 Video Of Ronald Reagan And James Dean REVEALED

The Huffington Post First Posted: 04-21-10 11:42 AM   |   Updated: 04-21-10 01:09 PM

On Wednesday, a rare video surfaced capturing astonishing footage of conservative idol Ronald Reagan and legendary actor James Dean.

The newly uncovered video of "The Dark, Dark Hours," an episode of the General Electric Theater series, has not been seen since it was broadcasted live from Hollywood on December 12, 1954.

The Atlantic's John Meroney reports on how the footage of Reagan and Dean was discovered:

No one has seen this episode in the decades since; the kinescope has been locked away, until now. My friend Wayne Federman, a writer for NBC's Late Night with Jimmy Fallon, unearthed the broadcast, condensing it from its original 23 minutes (without commercials) into the six-minute version you see below. (Federman is planning a retrospective of Reagan's television career for next year's Reagan centennial.)

The scene below captures Reagan before his rise to political superstardom, playing the role of a doctor defending his family from the ominous teenage figure played by Dean.

Via The Atlantic, here's a six-minute condensed version of the 23-minute original "The Dark, Dark Hours."
4  Messages / Causes & Activism / Re: Indiana Prosecutor Suggested Walker Fake Attack On Himself To Discredit Unions on: March 25, 2011, 01:06:11 pm
UPDATE-LAM RESIGNS. IN Dep. Prosecutor Suggested Gov. Walker fake an attack on himself?

by Rock Strongo
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I have to put the question mark in the title because the deputy prosecutor suggested that his email account was hacked. But all the indications are that a deputy prosecutor in Indiana allegedly sent an email to Winsconsin govenor Scott Walker suggesting that Walker fake a physical attack on himself and possibly use a firearm.
The backstory of this is that recently through a freedom of information act request, thousand of emails to the WI govenor were released. Now news organizations are beginning to go through them. picks up the story from there:
Indiana prosecutor denies encouraging Wisconsin violence
By Kate Golden
Wisconsin Center for Investigative Journalism
The email came to Gov. Scott Walker from the personal account of a deputy prosecutor and Republican activist in Indiana.
After praise for Walker, the email — sent Feb. 19, during union demonstrations against Walker’s budget repair bill — then took a darker turn. It suggested that the situation in Wisconsin presented “a good opportunity for what’s called a ‘false flag’ operation.”
“If you could employ an associate who pretends to be sympathetic to the unions’ cause to physically attack you (or even use a firearm against you), you could discredit the unions,” the email said.
“Currently, the media is painting the union protest as a democratic uprising and failing to mention the role of the DNC and umbrella union organizations in the protest. Employing a false flag operation would assist in undercutting any support that the media may be creating in favor of the unions. God bless, Carlos F. Lam.”
Lam denies that he wrote the email and claims that his account was hacked. Though as the stroy points out the IP address was from Indianapolis, where Lam lives, and the writing matches that that Lam has left on message boards.
Will anything come of a state prosecutor (allegedly) suggesting a govenor fake violence to discredit opponents? Apparently not. Lam's republican boss says in the article that he has no plans to investigate. has updated their story saying that Lam has admited writing the email and has now resigned. Here is a statement from the Johnson County Prosecutor, who as I noted in the original story, said he would not investigate the claim.
5  Messages / Causes & Activism / Indiana Prosecutor Suggested Walker Fake Attack On Himself To Discredit Unions on: March 25, 2011, 01:04:46 pm
Indiana Prosecutor Suggested Scott Walker Fake Attack On Himself To Discredit Unions

CHARLES WILSON 03/24/11 08:43 PM 

INDIANAPOLIS — An Indiana prosecutor said one of his deputies resigned Thursday after admitting he sent an email to Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker suggesting the Republican fake an attack on himself to discredit the public employee unions protesting his plan to strip them of nearly all collective bargaining rights.
Johnson County Prosecutor Brad Cooper said Carlos Lam resigned in a phone call about 5 a.m. Thursday after acknowledging that he sent the Feb. 19 email to Walker suggesting "the situation in WI presents a good opportunity for what's called a 'false flag' operation."
"If you could employ an associate who pretends to be sympathetic to the unions' cause to physically attack you (or even use a firearm against you), you could discredit the public unions," Lam wrote in the email, which was obtained by The Associated Press.
Cooper said Lam initially denied sending the email and said someone had hacked into his email account. But Lam later acknowledged he had written the message, and resigned hours before the Wisconsin Center for Investigative Journalism reported the contents publicly Thursday.
"He wanted to come clean, I guess, and said he is the one who sent that email," Cooper told the Daily Journal newspaper in Franklin, south of Indianapolis.
A message left by the AP at a telephone listing for Lam was not immediately returned Thursday.
Lam's email was sent amid daily protests at the Wisconsin Capitol against Walker's plan to take away public employees' rights to collectively bargain for anything except wages no higher than inflation.
"We cannot have the public unions hold the taxpayer hostage with their outrageous demands," said the email, which urged Walker to "stay strong."
Lam is the second Indiana prosecutor to lose his job over volatile comments about the Wisconsin protests. Jeffrey Cox, a deputy attorney general, was fired last month after tweeting that police should use live ammunition against labor protesters.

Wisconsin Republicans eventually used a procedural maneuver to pass the collective bargaining measure without Democrats who had fled to block a vote and Walker has signed it in to law. But a judge has issued a temporary restraining order to block the law from taking effect while courts consider a lawsuit alleging the Republicans' move violated the state's open meetings law and constitution.
6  the Arts / Sculpture & Statuary / Chincoteague Viking on: March 23, 2011, 01:30:53 pm

The Chincoteague Viking located on the north side of Ridge Road across from the end of Pony Swim Lane on Chincoteague Island, Virginia. The approximate address is 3376 Ridge Road. This hollow fiberglass statue is approximately 20 feet tall and is a Muffler Man.
7  Health & Healing / Medicine & Medical News / The Affordable Care Act on: March 23, 2011, 01:15:15 pm
The Affordable Care Act became law one year ago this week. Some of the already implemented provisions mean:

If you are a young adult, you can now stay on your parents' health plan until your 26th birthday, if you do not have coverage of your own.
If you are among 4 million eligible small businesses, you can receive tax credits if you choose to offer coverage to your employees – covering 35% of the cost of coverage.
If you are a child under age 19, you can no longer be denied coverage by an insurance company for having a "pre-existing condition."
Your insurance company can no longer place a lifetime limit on your coverage.  Such limits have caused some families to declare bankruptcy.
If you are a senior, you will now be receiving a 50% discount on brand-name drugs if you enter the Medicare Part D "donut hole" coverage gap – a discount that grows until the "donut hole" is closed in 2020.   
You can no longer be dropped from coverage by your insurance company simply because you get sick.
All of which, of course, Republicans have to see undone.
8  Politics / Sarah Palin & the Republican Party / Mitch McConnell on: March 23, 2011, 01:14:33 pm

Boehner, McConnell recognize health reform anniversary by vowing to destroy itby Joan McCarter
9  Messages / Causes & Activism / Enraged by Walker, activists put Kloppenburg’s Supreme Ct campaign on shoulders on: March 23, 2011, 01:11:15 pm
Enraged by Walker, activists put Kloppenburg’s Supreme Court campaign on their shoulders

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Enraged by Walker, activists put Kloppenburg’s Supreme Court campaign on their shoulders
STEVEN ELBOW | The Capital Times | | (59) Comments | Posted: Wednesday, March 23, 2011 6:15 am

Fueled by anti-Scott Walker rage, Democrats see conservative Justice David Prosser as their first chance at "getting even" and have put JoAnne Kloppenburg's Supreme Court campaign on their shoulders. Illustration by BRANDON RAYGO - The Capital Times
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Related: Full coverage of Gov. Walker's budget law and protests
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Kent Hall is mad as hell at Gov. Scott Walker, but since Walker isn’t up for re-election he wants to vent his anger on Supreme Court Justice David Prosser, who is. So he started his own political action committee to back Prosser’s opponent, JoAnne Kloppenburg, in the April 5 election.
“We’re moving from chanting, clapping our hands, shouting and marching to getting even,” says Hall, a retired UW-Stevens Point biology professor, who with his wife, Sue, and several friends has printed and distributed hundreds of campaign fliers and made well over 100 yard signs to distribute throughout Portage County, 100 miles north of Madison.
“If we can tie Prosser to Scott Walker, then a vote for Kloppenburg will be a vote against Walker,” he says.
It’s a theme that’s gaining traction as the Supreme Court race approaches. And Kloppenburg supporters see it as their first chance to give voters a statewide referendum on the Walker administration. Many of those supporters, like Hall, are acting on their own to take up Kloppenburg’s banner as her campaign reaches the legal limit of what it can spend.
Ordinarily, a few independent supporters wouldn’t go very far in helping a first-time candidate take down a well-known incumbent. But to say that the anti-Walker forces are mobilized would be a gross understatement. Walker’s Feb. 11 unveiling of his budget repair bill, which strips public workers of nearly all of their collective bargaining rights, put the State Capitol under a weeks-long state of siege by hundreds of thousands of state workers, teachers, union members and others who felt that Walker had gone too far. And anti-Walker rallies in dozens of other locales have drawn thousands.
That anger is heading Prosser’s way like a hail of bullets, and he doesn’t think it’s fair.
“I view this a little bit like a drive-by shooting,” Prosser says. “I’m not responsible for any of this.”
Regardless, Prosser’s past as a Republican legislative leader and his place among the conservative majority on the court, not to mention a series of missteps by his campaign that all but proclaimed a willingness to abet the Walker administration, have made him a target for the anti-Walker contingent.
Like Hall, many of those who mobilized against Walker’s budget repair bill are jumping into the Supreme Court race.
Issues stemming from the bill, some of which are already in circuit court, will certainly make their way to the high court, as will other Walker initiatives, including significant changes to the Wisconsin Retirement System, which Walker has signaled are in the offing next year.
Both sides agree that it’s a momentous election. Supreme Court races are nonpartisan, but some very partisan interests have spent millions in the past few years to swing the balance of power between conservative and liberal-leaning justices on the seven-member court. In 2008, in the most expensive and arguably the most bitter Supreme Court race in state history, obscure Burnett County Circuit Judge Michael Gableman narrowly defeated sitting Justice Louis Butler to tip the balance of power toward the conservatives. Knocking off Prosser, a 12-year-incumbent, would give liberals at least some parity. (While some put the conservatives at a 4-3 advantage, Justice Patrick Crooks, often placed in the liberal camp, is more of a swing vote.)
“The events of the last few weeks have put into sharp relief how important the Supreme Court is as a check on overreach in the other branches of government,” said Kloppenburg during an interview with The Capital Times editorial board.
Prosser, who says he put his partisanship aside when he was appointed to the court by Gov. Tommy Thompson in 1998, maintains that he is among the most impartial justices on the court.
“I’m not an obstacle for the Walker administration, but I am not a rubber stamp for the Walker administration,” he says. “I will look at each case on the facts and the law.”
• • • •
But as the election approaches, many who oppose Walker are portraying it as the last line of defense against a Republican governor and GOP Legislature that they say are eroding worker and consumer rights and rapidly reshaping Wisconsin into a corporatist state. And they’re busy getting the word out.
“I see it as a full frontal attack on citizens’ rights,” says Katherine Polich, a Madison attorney. “And your only stopping point is the court.”
Polich has been actively campaigning on behalf of Kloppenburg by volunteering for phone banks, attending rallies, sending out emails documenting Prosser’s past speaking engagements with tea party groups, and urging those working on recalls of Republican state senators to hand out Kloppenburg literature as they go door-to-door in various parts of the state.
Others are busily getting organized on a scale reminiscent of the 2008 campaign that swept Barack Obama into the White House.
Public financing rules that limit direct candidate spending to $300,000, which both Prosser and Kloppenburg have agreed to, have made it impossible to sustain their campaigns at a high level. Like Hall, other Kloppenburg supporters are filling the void by forming political action committees (PACs), which allow them to raise and spend money on her behalf. By law, the groups cannot coordinate with Kloppenburg’s campaign. On Tuesday, 11 pro-Kloppenburg PACs were listed on the state Government Accountability Board website, all of them registered in the past two weeks.
While people tend to think of PACs as ways for big business and powerful unions to funnel money into campaigns, it turns out that anyone can create one by simply filling out a form.
“The difference is these are really grass-roots people who are getting together and throwing in $400 or $500 to get this to happen just because they’re so energized by the moment,” says Eric Sundquist, team leader for the Madtown O’s, a progressive canvassing group that is working with local PACs. Some PACs use the money to print campaign literature, which is then distributed by the Madtown O’s and other volunteer groups.
Madtown O’s started seeking out the political action committees after calling the Kloppenburg campaign for fliers and finding out there were none left, and no money for more.
“The Kloppenburg campaign only printed a little bit of it,” says Sundquist, who is also a member of Madison’s Plan Commission. “They don’t have the money to do it.”
Besides Madtown O’s, Sundquist says there are other teams, which like his were once affiliated with Organizing for America, an arm of the Democratic Party that organized field teams for the Obama campaign. There are groups in the city’s north, southwest and isthmus areas, as well as the Middleton Action Team. Together, Sundquist says, they can cover nearly 80 percent of the Madison area with door-to-door canvassers.
“Having that structure here really let people be able to connect and form these PACs quickly when it was clear that there was not any ground game for the Kloppenburg campaign,” he says.
Bill Delaney of Middleton even quit his job as an information technology specialist for the state to devote himself full time to activism.
“It got to the point where I don’t want to work for this governor,” he says.
His first order of business is to give Prosser the boot. He’s registered his own PAC, Wisconsin Commons, and has raised about $2,000, which he has used to print campaign literature, some of which he hands off to the Middleton Action Team, another former Organizing for America group that has continued to take up progressive causes.
Delaney is also working to take the fight statewide. He’s studied the primary results, identified counties where Kloppenburg’s showing was weak and plans to distribute pro-Kloppenburg literature in the areas where he thinks it can make a difference. And while Kloppenburg has vowed to run a positive campaign, Delaney wants to hit Prosser hard.
“We’ve got to do negative campaigning against Prosser,” he says. “It would be crazy not to.”
Laura Chern, a hydrogeologist with the state Department of Natural Resources, registered her PAC with two friends who are also public workers. They only plan to spend about $200, which they are raising through friends and family.
“We’re pretty small potatoes,” says Chern.
They’ve used the money to make yard signs and print literature, which they hand out at rallies.
“To me the best hope for state employees, with all these lawsuits that are coming, is to at least have an impartial justice on the court,” she says.
Chern says she got the idea for the PAC from Melissa Mulliken, Kloppenburg’s campaign manager, who hosted a volunteer coffee to explain that campaign financing rules prohibit the campaign from taking donations, then mentioned that if people want to spend money on the campaign, they can start their own PAC.
Experienced campaign workers also are getting into the act. Amanda Hall, who has worked as a campaign organizer in five election cycles as an intern, including a stint with U.S. Rep. Tammy Baldwin’s campaign, has formed, which aims to provide field support for other volunteer groups. She in turn is working unofficially with the campus group Young Progressives, which has been mobilizing student activists at the Capitol protests.
“I feel blessed to work in a city where there’s so much organizing experience,” she says.
And while it’s easy to dismiss Dane County as a progressive bubble (Prosser received 31 percent of the vote here in the February primary, compared to 55 percent statewide), in addition to Hall’s PAC in Stevens Point, pro-Kloppenburg political action committees also have emerged in Hudson, Eau Claire, Colfax and Marshfield.
• • • •
Until recently, Kloppenburg was a little-known assistant attorney general with the Department of Justice who, in any other year, would have little chance of unseating an entrenched incumbent. But now she is riding on a wave of anger that gives her a good shot.
“There’s a great sense that we need to return Wisconsin to some level of sanity,” says Mulliken. “I think it will be a bigger turnout than we’ve seen in other April elections, and our job as a campaign is to capitalize on that.”
University of Wisconsin-Madison political science professor Ken Mayer says the heated political environment has definitely worked in Kloppenburg’s favor.
But he cautions that the type of grass-roots campaigning that is boosting her might be happening elsewhere on behalf of Prosser.
“Just because of the fact that we can’t see it here doesn’t mean it’s not happening,” he says.
But even Prosser concedes that “it could be a race.”
And given the fact that he has already run a television ad, his funds are likely nearly depleted. So Prosser’s campaign will be dependent on outside help from entities like Wisconsin Manufacturers & Commerce and Wisconsin Club for Growth, which spent lavishly in 2007 and 2008 to get conservative candidates elected.
“To unseat someone who has been around, that’s going to take a lot of money,” he says. “And it can’t come from JoAnne Kloppenburg’s campaign, so it’s got to come from somebody else. And there are people who like my service on the court, and they have to know that if a lot of money is spent, they’ve got to be prepared to spend money to counter it.”
• • • •
In elections in 2007 and 2008, conservative groups like Wisconsin Manufacturers & Commerce and Wisconsin Club for Growth spent millions to tip the balance of the court. In this year’s primary, according to the Brennan Center for Justice, Club for Growth spent $321,000 on an ad supporting Prosser.
Few think that these groups, and the conservative Koch-funded Americans for Prosperity, will sit this one out.
But the first volley in the big-money ad war came last week from the liberal Greater Wisconsin Committee, which ran a spot calling Prosser a “rubber stamp” for the Walker administration. It set the tone for what promises to be a blistering final two weeks of the campaign.
This week, WMC, which spent $4 million in 2007 and 2008 to win a conservative majority on the court, announced that it is in the game. A letter to members by WMC President Jim Haney and posted on its website labeled Greater Wisconsin Committee a front for unions and urged members to pledge their support.
“WMC Issues Mobilization Council Inc. is launching a television ad campaign to counter the distortions from government unions and their allies about Justice Prosser,” says the letter.
Haney goes on to say: “Kloppenburg, who has never been a judge, has strong ties to Wisconsin’s extreme left, including endorsement by the former national co-chairman of the radical Green Party, Ben Manski.”
The release slams Kloppenburg for her four unsuccessful applications for judgeships — three for appeals court and one for U.S. district judge.
“Despite her ties to the left, Obama and Doyle couldn’t bring themselves to appoint her to a judgeship,” Haney writes.
The Greater Wisconsin Committee ad exploits early missteps by the Prosser campaign. His campaign manager, Brian Nemoir, issued a press release on Dec. 8 stating that the re-election of Prosser was about “protecting the conservative judicial majority and acting as a common sense complement to both the new administration and Legislature.”
Nemoir, a former political director with the state Republican Party, is a political consultant in Delafield whose introductory press release for the Prosser campaign listed no previous experience running a statewide race. On Dec. 9 the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel quoted an email from Nemoir that says of Prosser: “Obviously, his personal ideology more closely mirrors that of the incoming administration and Legislature, but his impartial approach to applying the law won’t deviate.”
The Greater Wisconsin Committee ad boiled down the quotes to say Prosser has “promised to act as a complement to Walker because his views closely mirror Walker’s.”
Prosser acknowledges that the press release was a bad political move.
“The truth of the matter is I didn’t authorize that news release, I didn’t see that news release, and I have repeatedly disavowed that news release,” Prosser says.
Adding to Prosser’s woes, on Sunday the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel ran a story that further brought into question his ability to work with others on the court. The paper reported that around the time the court was debating ethics violation allegations against Gableman, Prosser called Chief Justice Shirley Abrahamson a “****” and threatened to “destroy” her.
Weeks ago, during an interview with The Capital Times editorial board, Kloppenburg brought up the issue of Prosser’s temperament.
“You can tell when he’s talking that he has some personal strong feelings against some of the other justices that impede his ability to help the court reach decisions that are fair and impartial,” she said.
• • • •
While Prosser and Kloppenburg differ on their approach to judicial matters, their personal stories, too, provide a stark contrast. Prosser’s story is all about politics, but Kloppenburg, 57, started her career in public service in Botswana as a Peace Corps volunteer.
“My husband and I got married the day before we left,” she says.
After graduating from a large Connecticut high school, Kloppenburg landed a scholarship at Yale, enrolling in only the second class of women accepted into the elite Ivy League school. She graduated with honors, majoring in Russian studies.
“I wanted to be an ambassador,” she says.
With that in mind, she attended the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs at Princeton University, but found the world of diplomacy in the 1970s dominated by nuclear deterrence, “and I was interested in a more people-oriented approach.” So she switched her focus to Third World development, earned her master’s degree in 1976, and joined the Peace Corps.
In Botswana Kloppenburg became a rural development planner. After working in various districts for two years, the government of Botswana asked her to stay on for another year and direct rural development for the entire country.
She and her husband, UW professor Jack Kloppenburg, next spent six weeks aboard Greyhound buses trying to decide where they wanted to move. They chose upstate New York, where Jack got his Ph.D. at Cornell University, and JoAnne started Women Infants and Children programs, a federally funded effort to support low-income families, in two counties. When the programs were up and running, she took a job as an associate dean at Wells College in Aurora, N.Y.
She decided to attend law school, and with a 3-year-old and a newborn — they eventually had a third child — she enrolled at UW. While attending law school, she interned for Abrahamson and clerked for U.S. District Court Judge Barbara Crabb.
In 1989 she joined the state Department of Justice, eventually serving under two Democratic and two Republican attorneys general. She started with the civil litigation unit where she handled cases concerning civil and constitutional rights and prisoner litigation. In 1991 she moved to the environmental protection unit, where she enforces the state’s environmental laws.
She’s taught at the UW Law School since 1990 and coordinates the school’s “extern” program, which gives students experience in public advocacy and litigation.
• • • •
While Kloppenburg was in graduate school, Prosser was in the thick of the biggest political story of the decade.
Born in Chicago and raised in Appleton, Prosser developed an early interest in politics. In high school he was active in student government and a member of the Young Republicans.
After graduating from DePauw University, Prosser went on to get his law degree from UW, finding time to write humor columns for the Wisconsin State Journal, though not for pay, and to work as a stringer for the Washington Post on the side. After getting his law degree, he taught legal writing at Indiana University-Indianapolis Law School.
Then in 1969 he went on to Washington, D.C., where he had several brushes with history. He landed a job with the U.S. Department of Justice as an attorney and adviser with the department’s Office of Criminal Justice at the height of the Vietnam War protests.
“Being an eager new employee, I went to work at the department on a Saturday morning and I couldn’t get out of the building the rest of the day,” he says. “There was a huge protest and they were banging on the doors.”
He became a speech writer for Deputy Attorney General Richard Kleindienst, who later, as attorney general, resigned during the Watergate scandal. Prosser also had a hand in writing speeches for other high-ranking Republicans, including Gerald Ford, then the House minority leader, and President Richard Nixon.
Prosser later became administrative assistant to U.S. Rep. Harold Froehlich, R-Wis., a member of the House Judiciary Committee during the Watergate impeachment inquiry, and he found himself enmeshed in the scandal’s fallout. He helped draft Froehlich’s statement announcing that the representative would be voting for two of three articles of impeachment against Nixon. “There’s nothing that’s ever been as stressful as that experience,” he says.
During his time in Washington, Prosser met with many other personalities connected with the scandal, including on one occasion going to a movie with a group that included Gordon Liddy, who directed the burglaries of the Democratic National Committee headquarters in the Watergate building in 1972.
Prosser came back to Wisconsin, and in 1977 began a two-year stint as Outagamie County district attorney before getting elected to the state Legislature as a Republican in 1978, where he served alongside future Gov. Tommy Thompson and future U.S. District Court Judge John Shabaz. Prosser spent six years as Assembly minority leader and two years as Assembly speaker. In 1996, while Assembly speaker, he mounted a bid for the 8th U.S. Congressional seat once held by Froehlich, but lost to former television broadcast journalist Jay Johnson.
In 1998, Thompson appointed him to serve out the last two years of Janine Geske’s term on the Supreme Court, and in 2001 he ran unopposed for a full term.
• • • •
Prosser, 68 and single, doesn’t try to soft-pedal his former partisanship, but he says it’s past history. But Kloppenburg says Prosser’s partisanship is alive and well. It was on display, she says, when the court deadlocked 3-3 to clear Gableman of judicial ethics violations stemming from a misleading attack ad that falsely suggested that his opponent Butler, as a public defender, won the release of a sex offender, allowing him to offend again.
The vote was along ideological lines, and with the tie, the matter was dismissed.
Unlike Butler, whose past as a public defender was exploited by Gableman and conservative groups as evidence that he was soft on crime, Kloppenburg has spent most of her career as a prosecutor. “They’re going to have to lie to get at me,” she says, “because there’s not much negative they can say.”
And the fact that Prosser has repeatedly been placed in a defensive position has given Kloppenburg the opportunity to take the offensive. While she’s vowed a positive campaign, Kloppenburg has consistently pointed to Prosser’s partisanship, coming back again and again to his early press release, which despite his best efforts, continues to dog his campaign.
“All of those statements are disturbing to people who want the court to be separate and independent from the other branches of government,” says Kloppenburg. “I think it’s raised people’s awareness of the role of the court and how important it is to have justices who don’t bring partisan politics onto the court with them.”
Prosser bristles at the charges of partisanship, while lobbing similar accusations at Kloppenburg and taking her to task for supporting Green Party candidate Manski over Democrat Brett Hulsey in last fall’s election for the 77th Assembly District.
“My largely unknown opponent hides her extreme ideological views behind a Mary Poppins persona,” he wrote last week in a column in The Capital Times. “A candidate who supports Green Party candidates and principles should be willing to admit that publicly.”
Truth be told, the supposedly nonpartisan election is essentially a Democrat vs. Republican affair. And the candidate who wins will likely bring their political perspectives to the court. Political beliefs, after all, are an extension of other beliefs and philosophies we hold dear.
And Republicans certainly would view a Kloppenburg victory as a setback. So in the hyper-partisan political atmosphere that has gripped the state, a vote for Kloppenburg really can be seen as a vote against Walker. And that could be Kloppenburg’s ticket to the Supreme Court.
Mayer, the UW professor, says recent events at the Capitol have galvanized rage at Walker into a force to be reckoned with. And Prosser could be the fall guy.
“Normally this would be a low-turnout election,” says. “And in a low-turnout election, if you have a highly mobilized minority, it has more of a chance to influence the results. Normally this wouldn’t necessarily be a close race, but I think it’s become close to a toss-up.”
10  Atlantis / Plato's Atlantis / Re: Plato on: March 21, 2011, 01:29:17 pm

with a palace in the center 'bull's eye'.
11  Atlantis / Plato's Atlantis / Re: Plato on: March 21, 2011, 01:28:43 pm
The Capitol of Atlantis

12  Atlantis / Plato's Atlantis / Re: Plato on: March 21, 2011, 01:27:31 pm
Plato's Dialogues

Plato's works, perhaps the most consistently popular and influential philosophic writings ever published, consist of a series of dialogues in which the discussions between Socrates and others are presented with infinite charm. Most of our knowledge of Socrates is from these dialogues, and which views are Socrates' and which are Plato's is anybody's guess.

Plato cautiously never introduced himself into any of the dialogues. The works that have been transmitted to us through the middle ages under the name of Plato consist in a set of 41 so-called "dialogues" plus a collection of 13 letters and a book of Definitions. But it was already obvious in antiquity that not all of these were from Plato's own hand.

The exact ordering of the dialogues is not known, but they can be roughly assigned to three periods, the early, middle, and late. The early dialogues, began after 399 B.C., are seen by many as memorials to the life and teaching of Socrates.

Euthyphro, Apology, Crito, Phædo
Cratylus, Theætetus, Sophist, Statesman
Parmenides, Philebus, Symposium, Phædrus
Alcibiades, 2nd Alcibiades, Hipparchus, Rival Lovers
Theages, Charmides, Laches, Lysis
Euthydemus, Protagoras, Gorgias, Meno
Hippias major, Hippias minor, Ion, Menexenus
Clitophon, Republic, Timæus, Critias
Minos, Laws, Epinomis, Letters
But the same Diogenes mentions also a grouping in trilogies (groups of three), which he attributes to Aristophanes of Byzantium (3rd century BC) and which covers only a subset of the dialogues. This one goes as follows :

Republic, Timæus, Critias
Sophist, Statesman, Cratylus
Laws, Minos, Epinomis
Theætetus, Euthyphro, Apology
Crito, Phædo, Letters
The tetralogies of Greek theater were made up of one comedy and a trilogy of tragedies. If there is anything in the idea that Plato grouped his dialogues according to such an arrangement, it might explain why we sometimes hear of tetralogies, sometimes of trilogies.

Plato, The Collected Dialogues including the Letters, edited by Edith Hamilton and Huntington Cairns, with Introduction and Prefatory Notes, Bollingen Series LXXI, Princeton University Press, 1961.

Apology, translated by Hugh Tredennick,
Charmides, translated by B. Jowett,
Cratylus, translated by B. Jowett,
Critias, translated by A. E. Taylor,
Crito, translated by Hugh Tredennick,
Epinomis, translated by A. E. Taylor,
Euthydemus, translated by W. H. D. Rouse,
Euthyphro, translated by Lane Cooper,
Gorgias, translated by W. D. Woodhead,
Hippias Major (or Greater Hippias), translated by B. Jowett,
Hippias Minor (or Lesser Hippias), translated by B. Jowett,
Ion, translated by Lane Cooper,
Laches, translated by B. Jowett,
Laws, translated by A. E. Taylor,
Letters, translated by L. A. Post,
Lysis, translated by J. Wright,
Menexenus, translated by B. Jowett,
Meno, translated by W. K. C. Guthrie,
Parmenides, translated by F. M. Cornford,
Phædo, translated by Hugh Tredennick,
Phædrus, translated by R. Hackforth,
Philebus, translated by R. Hackforth,
Protagoras, translated by W. K. C. Guthrie,
Republic, translated by Paul Shorey,
Sophist, translated by F. M. Cornford,
Statesman, translated by J. B. Skemp,
Symposium, translated by Michael Joyce,
Theætetus, translated by F. M. Cornford,
Timæus, translated by B. Jowett,
Plato, Complete Works, Edited, with Introduction and Notes, by John M. Cooper, Hackett Publishing Company, Indianapolis/Cambridge, 1997.

Alcibiades, translated by D. S. Hutchinson
Alcibiades (2), translated by Anthony Kenny
Apology, translated by G. M. A. Grube
Axiochus, translated by Jackson P. Hershbell
Charmides, translated by Rosamond Kent Sprague
Clitophon, translated by Francisco J. Gonzalez
Cratylus, translated by C. D. C. Reeve
Critias, translated by Diskin Clay
Crito, translated by G. M. A. Grube
Definitions, translated by D. S. Hutchinson
Demodocus, translated by Jonathan Barnes
Epigrams, translated by J. M. Edmonds, rev. John M. Cooper
Epinomis, translated by Richard D. McKirahan, Jr.
Eryxias, translated by Mark Joyal
Euthydemus, translated by Rosamond Kent Sprague
Euthyphro, translated by G. M. A. Grube
Gorgias, translated by Donald J. Zeyl
Halcyon, translated by Brad Inwood
Hipparchus, translated by Nicholas D. Smith
Hippias Major (or Greater Hippias), translated by Paul Woodruff
Hippias Minor (or Lesser Hippias), translated by Nicholas D. Smith
Ion, translated by Paul Woodruff
On Justice, translated by Andrew S. Becker
Laches, translated by Rosamond Kent Sprague
Laws, translated by Trevor J. Saunders
Letters, translated by Glenn R. Morrow
Lysis, translated by Stanley Lombardo
Menexenus, translated by Paul Ryan
Meno, translated by G. M. A. Grube
Minos, translated by Malcolm Schofield
Parmenides, translated by Mary Louise Gill and Paul Ryan
Phaedo, translated by G. M. A. Grube
Phaedrus, translated by Alexander Nehamas and Paul Woodruff
Philebus, translated by Dorothea Frede
Protagoras, translated by Stanley Lombardo and Karen Bell
Republic, translated by G. M. A. Grube, rev. C. D. C. Reeve
Rival Lovers, translated by Jeffrey Mitscherling
Sisyphus, translated by David Gallop
Sophist, translated by Nicholas P. White
Statesman, translated by C. J. Rowe
Symposium, translated by Alexander Nehamas and Paul Woodruff
Theaetetus, translated by M. J. Levett, rev. Myles F. Burnyeat
Theages, translated by Nicholas D. Smith
Timaeus, translated by Donald J. Zeyl
On Virtue, translated by Mark Reuter

Dialogues Online













Plato's Republic




13  Atlantis / Plato's Atlantis / Re: Plato on: March 21, 2011, 01:26:45 pm
Plato had an essentially antagonistic view of art and the artist, although he approved of certain religious and moralistic kinds of art. Again, his approach is related to his theory of Forms. A beautiful flower, for example, is a copy or imitation of the universal Forms "flowerness" and "beauty." The physical flower is one step removed from reality, that is, the Forms. A picture of the flower is, therefore, two steps removed from reality. This also meant that the artist is two steps removed from knowledge, and, indeed, Plato's frequent criticism of the artists is that they lack genuine knowledge of what they are doing. Artistic creation, Plato observed, seems to be rooted in a kind of inspired madness.


The concluding years of Plato's life were spent lecturing at the Academy and writing.

At age 60 - the arrival of Aristotle - age 18 - as a student at Plato's Academy, where he will stay until Plato's death in 347.

Plato's influence extended long past his own life and, indeed, never died. The Academy remained a going institution until A.D. 529, when the Eastern Roman Emperor, Justinian, ordered it closed. It was the last stronghold of paganism in a Christian world.

Plato's influence throughout the history of philosophy has been monumental. When he died, Speusippus became head of the Academy.

Aristotle is by now about 38 and leaves the Academy perhaps because he was not chosen - or perhaps he had another destiny.

The school continued in existence until AD529, when it was closed by the Byzantine emperor Justinian I, who objected to its pagan teachings. Plato's impact on Jewish thought is apparent in the work of the 1st-century Alexandrian philosopher Philo Judaeus.

Neoplatonism, founded by the 3rd-century philosopher Plotinus, was an important later development of Platonism. The theologians Clement of Alexandria, Origen, and St. Augustine were early Christian exponents of a Platonic perspective. Platonic ideas have had a crucial role in the development of Christian theology and also in medieval Islamic thought (see Islam).

During the Renaissance, the primary focus of Platonic influence was the Florentine Academy, founded in the 15th century near Florence. Under the leadership of Marsilio Ficino, members of the Academy studied Plato in the original Greek. In England, Platonism was revived in the 17th century by Ralph Cudworth and others who became known as the Cambridge Platonists.

Plato's influence has been extended into the 20th century by such thinkers as Alfred North Whitehead, who once paid him tribute by describing the history of philosophy as simply "a series of footnotes to Plato."

Plato died at about the age of 80 in Athens in 347 BC.


Plato Wikipedia


14  Atlantis / Plato's Atlantis / Re: Plato on: March 21, 2011, 01:26:35 pm
At any rate, the Ionians ceased to be called in literary circles, as Plato remarks, "she dogs uttering vain howlings and talking other nonsense of the same sort."

This was, however, merely a concession that could easily be meted out by those who won the cultural battle.

For as Plato could confidently state in the same context, the authority of the mechanical views had been checked, or to paraphrase his words, the case was reversed in favor of the organismic viewpoint.


Plato's Republic
The Republic, Plato's major political work, is concerned with the question of justice and therefore with the questions "what is a just state" and "who is a just individual?"

The ideal state, according to Plato, is composed of three classes. The economic structure of the state is maintained by the merchant class. Security needs are met by the military class, and political leadership is provided by the philosopher-kings. A particular person's class is determined by an educational process that begins at birth and proceeds until that person has reached the maximum level of education compatible with interest and ability. Those who complete the entire educational process become philosopher-kings. They are the ones whose minds have been so developed that they are able to grasp the Forms and, therefore, to make the wisest decisions. Indeed, Plato's ideal educational system is primarily structured so as to produce philosopher-kings.

Plato associates the traditional Greek virtues with the class structure of the ideal state. Temperance is the unique virtue of the artisan class; courage is the virtue peculiar to the military class; and wisdom characterizes the rulers. Justice, the fourth virtue, characterizes society as a whole. The just state is one in which each class performs its own function well without infringing on the activities of the other classes.

Plato divides the human soul into three parts: the rational part, the will, and the appetites. The just person is the one in whom the rational element, supported by the will, controls the appetites. An obvious analogy exists here with the threefold class structure of the state, in which the enlightened philosopher-kings, supported by the soldiers, govern the rest of society.


Plato's ethical theory rests on the assumption that virtue is knowledge and can be taught, which has to be understood in terms of his theory of Forms. As indicated previously, the ultimate Form for Plato is the Form of the Good, and knowledge of this Form is the source of guidance in moral decision making. Plato also argued that to know the good is to do the good. The corollary of this is that anyone who behaves immorally does so out of ignorance. This conclusion follows from Plato's conviction that the moral person is the truly happy person, and because individuals always desire their own happiness, they always desire to do that which is moral.

15  Atlantis / Plato's Atlantis / Re: Plato on: March 21, 2011, 01:26:19 pm
The spheres were another Pythagorean notion, and the Pythagorean preoccupation with sound also shows itself in Philolaus belief that the spheres of the various planets made celestial music as they turned -- a belief that persisted even in the time of Kepler two thou sand years later.

We still use the phrase "the music of the spheres" to epitomize heavenly sounds or the stark beauty of outer space.

This insistence that the heavens must reflect the perfection of abstract mathematics in its simplest form held absolute sway over astronomical thought until Kepler's time, even though compromises with reality had to be made constantly, beginning shortly after Plato's death with Eudoxus and Callippus.


Plato's principal work touching on scientific questions, the Timaeus, bluntly states that this world "in very truth [is] a living creature with soul and reason."

To this viewpoint Plato accords an unconditional primacy even in matters of detail.

Thus when he discusses the working of the human eye, he deplores the fact that "the great mass of mankind regard [the geometrical and mechanical aspects of the question] as the sole causes of all things."

Against this he opposes the classification of causes into two groups: the accessory or mechanical causes that are "incapable of any plan or intelligence for any purpose," and those that "work with intelligence to produce what is good and desirable." The reaffirmation of the Socratic or organismic approach in science could hardly be more unequivocal.

Such an emphasis on the concept of organism as the basic framework in which the cosmos is to be explained derived only in part from factors like the emergence in the fifth century of the Hippocratic medical theory and practice.

The principal factor was a deeper and more universal one. It was rooted in the Greek nature as such and was given unchallenged prominence when cultural developments forced the Greek mind to reflect on the consequences of a mechanistic explanation of the inanimate and animate world including man both as an individual and as a member of society.

The "Greekness" of the organismic approach can be seen in the fact that they first applied the term cosmos to a patently living thing - a well-ordered society - and only afterward to the orderliness of the physical world.

Rooted deeply in their personal, cultural inclinations, this organismic approach to reality, once it became the conscious possession of the Greeks, had never been seriously questioned or abandoned by them. Single views of the Ionians and atomists continued, of course, to play seminal roles in Greek science.

What is more, once the cultural crisis evidenced by the activity of the Sophists was over, even the poets began to take more kindly to the physikoi, who for a while were the principal targets of plays concerned with the source of various cultural evils.

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